Why the Fed should raise interest rates at its next meeting

How to Raise Inflation

Conventional New-Keynesian macroeconomists assert that, to increase the inflation rate, the Fed must first lower the interest rate. A lower interest rate, so the argument goes, increases aggregate demand and raises wages and prices. As economic activity picks up, the Fed can raise the interest rate without fear of generating a recession. Some economists advocate that the Fed should raise the interest rate to meet the inflation target, a position that for reasons that escape me, has been labelled as neo-Fisherianism on the blogosphere (see my previous post, also  Stephen Williamson, David Andolfatto, and John Cochrane). My body of work, written over the past several years, (see my forthcoming book) explains how to raise the interest rate without simultaneously triggering a recession and, I suppose, that makes me a 'neo-Fisherian'.

There is also something new in this post that I discussed last week with Stephen Cecchetti while visiting the San Francisco Fed. This relates to the connection between the world we now live in, where the Fed pays interest on reserves, and the world we used to live in, where it did not. It goes without saying that Stephen does not bear responsibility for any perceived mistakes in the case I make.

I will argue that the Fed should raise the interest rate on reserves (IOR) and the federal funds rate (FFR) simultaneously, thereby keeping the opportunity cost of holding money at zero and enacting Milton Friedman's proscription for the optimal quantity of money.  In addition, the Fed should be given the authority to buy and sell an exchange traded fund (ETF) over a broad stock portfolio with the goal of achieving an unemployment target. This is an argument I have been making for some time but it is becoming more relevant as it becomes apparent that the world does not work in the way the New-Keynesians claim.

At the Jackson Hole conference this week, Janet Yellen argued for a broader range of Fed tools moving forwards. While I agree with that view, I would put a different emphasis on what those tools should be.  Maintaining a large stock of excess reserves is a good idea because money is costless for society to create. But, I argue, the Fed should actively trade the asset side of its balance sheet to promote real economic stability and a low unemployment rate. 

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Two Interest Rates

Prior to 2008, commercial banks held reserves to meet a minimum required ratio of reserves to deposits. This ratio, the required reserve ratio, was mandated by the Fed and changed occasionally. In the period from the end of WWII up through 2008, banks held exactly this amount and excess reserves were equal to zero.

In October of 2008, the Fed began to pay interest on the  reserves of commercial banks held at the Fed. Figure 1, copied from the San Francisco Fed website, shows that, once that change in policy was enacted, the excess reserves of commercial banks increased from zero, before 2008, to approximately  $1.6 trillion in 2012. They are currently even higher at $2.2 trillion in 2016.

Prior to 2008, excess reserves were costly for commercial banks to hold because a commercial bank can make profits by lending reserves to private companies or to households or by purchasing interest bearing government securities. When three month T-bills pay positive interest, but reserves do not, a commercial bank will choose to hold zero excess reserves. After 2008, reserves held by commercial banks with the Fed are, to a first approximation, perfect substitutes for short term Treasury bills.

The post-2008 monetary environment is very different from the pre 2008 monetary environment. In the immortal words of Dorothy from the Wizard of Oz, “We’re not in Kansas anymore”.  In the brave new technicolor world, the Fed controls two money interest rates, not one; the interest rate on reserves held at the Fed (IOR), and the Federal Funds Rate (FFR). By raising the IOR and the FFR at the same time, the Fed can engineer an increase in nominal rates without altering the opportunity cost of holding base money. By keeping the difference between the IOR and the FFR at zero, the Fed is allowing the private sector to create what Milton Friedman called, the optimal quantity of money.

Because money is costless to create, from a social perspective, Friedman argued that society should set the opportunity cost of holding money equal to zero. That is precisely what happens when the IOR equals the FFR.  Because the demand and supply of money are identically equal, a simultaneous increase in the FFR and the IOR will not  lead to a contraction in the money supply.

The Real Effects of an Interest Rate Rise

Even if the opportunity cost of holding money is zero, a positive interest rate surprise may still reduce the money value of expenditures on goods and services as the values of existing dollar-denominated income flows are revalued downwards. This revaluation will not only affect fixed income dollar valued securities, it will also affect indexed bonds and corporate equities. The magnitude of that effect will depend on the public perceptions of future inflation.

In the past, we have observed a negative correlation between unanticipated increases in the money interest rate, and real GDP.  In 1979, the Volcker Fed engineered a big increase in the interest rate in order to bring inflation under control. It worked, and over the following decade, inflation fell.  But the interest rate increase triggered one of the largest post-war recessions in US history. The $64 trillion question is: can the Fed engineer a rate rise without triggering a recession? The answer to that question is yes.

New Keynesians believe that prices and wages were slow to adjust because of so called ‘menu costs’.  They incorporate that belief into their models with an equation that goes by the name of the ‘New-Keynesian Phillips Curve’. There is increasing evidence (Klenow and Malin) that menu costs are not large enough to explain the real effects of a monetary contraction and there is increasing evidence that there never was a Phillips curve in the sense in which the New-Keynesians need there to be one.

It is not prices that are sticky: it is expectations. The New-Keynesians are right to assert that the output gap and the unemployment rate are determined by ‘aggregate demand’. Aggregate demand depends on the beliefs of asset market participants about the future value of wealth and beliefs are self-fulfilling prophecies that depend on the ‘animal spirits’ of investors. We need a way for the Fed to intervene in the asset markets to stabilize asset prices and to prevent spillovers from volatile shifts in beliefs to the real economy.

One way to achieve that intervention would be to give the Fed the authority to trade in the stock market, as does the Bank of Japan. As I argued here, the Open Market Committee of the Fed should use that authority to actively trade an exchange traded fund in order to offset any potential drop in asset values that follows an interest rate increase. If unemployment is above target, the Fed would announce an increase in the growth path of the price of the ETF. If it were below target, they would announce a reduction in the growth path.

Why do I believe this would be effective? After all, conventional New-Keynesian wisdom holds that there is little or no connection between the value of the stock market and subsequent real economic activity. Conventional wisdom is wrong. Although there is little or no connections between short-run stock market fluctuations, I have shown in published empirical papers (2012,2015) that there is a strong and stable connection between persistent changes in the value of the stock market and changes in the unemployment rate. And I have shown in published theory papers, (2012,2013) why this chain is causal. When we feel wealthy, we are wealthy!

You can read more about these ideas in my book Prosperity for All, available for purchase on October 7th.

 

Thought for the Day: George Orwell and E.B. White

Animal Farm was published 0n this day in 1945. Maria Popova (@brainpicker) has written a piece inspired by George Orwell, on the freedom of the press, that every member of the chattering classes should read. She ends with this quote from E.B. White

"To exchange one orthodoxy for another is not necessarily an advance. The enemy is the gramophone mind, whether or not one agrees with the record that is being played at the moment. "E.B. White

Orwell's critique was of government control of ideas. White's point was that a 'free society' does not need the government to decide which ideas are fit to express and which are not. The intellectual establishment polices itself.

White's critique is as relevant as ever today as we ponder the political and economic challenges we face.

Has Labor Productivity Growth Fallen Permanently?

                       Figure 1: Post-War Labor Productivity

J.W. Mason has an interesting series of posts over at slack-wire on the relationship between productivity growth, changes in the unemployment rate and changes in labor force participation. Productivity is a huge determinant of living standards and of GDP growth projections moving forwards. Mason's posts led me to ask the following question. Given the importance of labor productivity growth in determining the standard of living of the average American, how confident are we that it has actually fallen? And how confident are we that labor productivity growth has fallen permanently.

Figure 1 is a plot of US labor productivity from 1948Q1 through 2016Q2. The mean (plotted as the red line) is 1.42 and the standard deviation is 1.53.  The data, from FRED II, is quarterly GDP measured in 2009 dollars divided by total non-farm payrolls and expressed as an annual percentage four quarter rate of change. A few features stand out from Figure 1. First, productivity growth is highly volatile. Second, it is less volatile in the second half of the sample, and third, the mean appears lower after 1980. But I wouldn’t bet the farm on the fact that the mean of productivity has fallen permanently.

Figure 2: Data for Productivity Broken into Two Subsamples

Figure 2: Data for Productivity Broken into Two Subsamples

One way to test this is to split the data into two subsamples and compare the means.  This is what I do in Figure 2.  The top sample is the data from 1948Q1 to 1982Q1. The second is from 1982Q2 to 2016Q2. The red line in each case is the common mean.

                                                  Mean               Std Dev.

Common Sample                    1.42                 1.53

First Subsample                      1.46                 1.82

Second Subsample                 1.38                 1.18

 

In each case, the mean of the second subsample lies well within one standard deviation of the mean of the second sample. Given reasonable assumptions about the distribution of these random variables, a formal hypothesis test would not reject the assumption that the means of the productivity distributions for the two subsamples are the same.

                    Figure 3: Smoothed Histograms for Both Subsamples

                    Figure 3: Smoothed Histograms for Both Subsamples

Figure 3 plots smoothed density estimates for the two subsamples from Figure 2. These estimates help gain a visual impression of the likelihood of observing a given value for productivity growth, before and after 1982Q1.

In each of these two graphs, the blue curve represents data from 1948Q1 through 1982Q1 and the red line represents data from 1982Q2 through 2016Q2. 

The graph in the top panel smooths the data using a smoothing window that is chosen on the assumption that each sample comes from a normal distribution. The graph in the lower panel uses a wider window to average adjacent points. This wider window takes account of the fact that the distributions may not be normal and may instead have fat tails. 

What do I learn from Figures 1 through 3? There is evidence for a reduction in the volatility of labor productivity growth after 1982. This is what is sometimes referred to as the 'Great Moderation'. There is weaker evidence for a reduction in the mean of labor productivity growth. Even during the 1950s and 1960s there were many years when labor productivity growth was negative, sometimes by as much as 2% per year. In the post 1980 period there are fewer years with large positive increases in labor productivity, but also fewer years with large drops.

Has productivity growth fallen permanently? The jury is still out. 

NK models and Unemployment as Vacations

The Great Depression?

Franco Modigliani famously quipped that he did not think that unemployment during the Great Depression should be described, in an economic model, as a "sudden bout of contagious laziness". Quite. For the past thirty years we have been debating whether to use classical real business cycle models (RBC), or their close cousins, modern New Keynesian (NK) models, to describe recessions. In both of these models, the social cost of persistent unemployment is less than a half a percentage point of steady state consumption.

What does that mean? Median US consumption is roughly $30,000 a year. One half of one percent of this is roughly 50 cents a day. A person inhabiting one of our artificial model RBC or NK model worlds, would not be willing to pay more than 50 cents a day to avoid another Great Depression. That is true of real business cycle models. It is also true of New Keynesian models.

That is the background for an exchange between me and Stephen Williamson on the comment pages of this blog

Here is Stephen:

I'm agnostic about the self-correcting nature of the economy. I do think inefficiency isn't observable (except in the behavior of my colleagues) - we need models to measure it.

and my response

It is true that in both classical and NK models, the cost of business cycles is small. In my view, it is not true in the real world and it is not true in the search models I work with where the unemployment rate is determined, in steady state, by, what I call, 'the belief function'.
I'm not even sure we should call the fluctuations that concern me 'business cycles'. They are low frequency correlations in asset prices and unemployment that are absent from data that has been HP filtered. It is possible, of course, that the persistent increase in unemployment that follows a financial crisis, is caused by the factors that a conventional search theorist would identify as fundamental. For example, increased government regulation or changes in technology that render existing skills obsolete.
I have a different explanation. The persistent increases in the unemployment rate that follow a financial crisis are caused by waves of optimism and pessimism that are driven by psychology: so called 'animal spirits'. You would probably refer to these correlated movements in asset prices and unemployment as, random shocks to the equilibrium selection device. I prefer to say that the object that drives market sentiment is a new fundamental in an economic model that would otherwise contain a continuum of multiple equilibria. Once the belief function is introduced as a new fundamental: equilibrium is unique.

Stephen responds

Your models don’t take a stand on high frequency vs. low frequency fluctuations in inefficiency. Indeed, you can have equilibria in which the inefficiency is permanent. So that’s very different from what’s going on in standard NK/RBC exogenous shock models.

Precisely. That's why I eschew NK and RBC models. They are both wrong. The high unemployment that follows a financial crisis is not the socially efficient response to technology shocks. And the slow recovery from a financial melt-down has nothing to do with the costs of reprinting menus that underpins the models of NK economists. It is a potentially permanent failure of private agents to coordinate on an outcome that is socially desirable. Much more on this in my new book, "Prosperity for All" available September 1st from Oxford University Press.

Neo Fisherianism: Crazy Trick or the Right Way Forward?

A debate has broken out on the blogs over the wisdom of an interest rate increase. Stephen Williamson, who identifies as a ‘new-monetarist’ thinks that we need to raise rates to generate inflation. Narayana Kocherlakota, who once advanced this idea himself, has now reversed his position and calls it a ‘crazy trick’.

These are two very smart people. Stephen is  a Vice President at the Federal Reserve bank of St Louis and  the author of one of the leading undergraduate textbooks in macroeconomics that is now in its 5th edition. Narayana is the former President of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis and now the Lionel W. McKenzie Professor at the University of Rochester. The fact that they have both entertained this idea at one point in the recent past suggests that it is not such a crazy trick as Narayana now suggests.

In his argument against raising rates, Narayana points out that new-monetarists, like Stephen, see the economy as self-stabilizing. Raise rates now, and the economy will soon find its way back to full employment. Perhaps there will be some minor pain along the way. But keeping rates low, or even lowering them into negative territory, is a much worse option. Just look at Japan.

According to Narayana

“…., it would be remarkably irresponsible to take the risk of raising rates based purely on a theoretical belief in macroeconomic self-stabilization.”

I am on Stephen’s side in this debate. But I do not, I repeat I DO NOT, believe that the economy is self-stabilizing. If the Fed raises rates before the private sector has begun to recover, and if that is the only change to either monetary or fiscal policy, Narayana would be right: the Fed action would derail a nascent recovery. To prevent this from happening; a rate rise must be accomplished by a simultaneous intervention in the asset markets to prevent the crash in the values of other risky and long dated asset classes that will inevitably accompany a Fed increase in the policy rate. This is what Willem Buiter has called ‘Qualitative Easing’.

Inflation is persistent in historical data. But it is not persistent because private actors are prevented from changing prices by what New-Keynesian economists refer to as ‘sticky prices’. As I explain in my forthcoming book, inflation is persistent because people's beliefs about future NGDP growth are persistent. We ARE in a low inflation trap. The way out is not through further interest rate cuts, as some have advocated. It is through a rate rise, accompanied by a fiscal/asset market intervention.

How would that be achieved? Some have argued for a money financed program of new federal and state expenditure on infrastructure. Some have argued for printing money and distributing it to the public, so-called helicopter money. I have argued for a central bank  intervention that boosts the value of risky and long-dated assets and that would increase private demand through a wealth effect. The details are secondary. The main point is that the economy is NOT self-stabilizing. Treasury actions AND the way those actions are financed, are BOTH important determinants of economic activity. If we  wait for the private sector to recover on its own; we may be waiting for a very long time.